Britain's finance minister has handled the imminent spending review similar to a unwilling bather inching into cold water, striving to lessen the hardship through step-by-step immersion.
The chancellor began tackling the issue of insufficient income near the conclusion of the summer months. Initially, she would not to support previous insistence that tax rises in the previous year's budget would be the last ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a more significant move into the icy sea. Her address vowed to "do what is necessary" to fund public services and maintain borrowing costs under control.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had withdrawn the implication. The campaign pledge was upheld after all. As any cold-water dipper knows, this aborted plunge and trembling pullback is the least effective of all techniques. Nothing draws out the suffering like uncertainty.
It is hard to be resolute when deciding between degrees of self-inflicted damage.
Hope has not been a effective approach for the administration. Fundamental of the prime minister's election bid was the unrealistic hope of somehow meeting the public's desire for enhanced state services without undoing large sums of Tory revenue decreases.
At no point has both the prime minister or Reeves effectively expressed a sense of shared mission to explain all this difficulty. To some extent that is a issue of leadership presence. Starmer and Reeves are uncannily similar in their ineffective messaging, awkward and reticent in a way that repels the public away instead of attracting them in.
In the same way that political pressure to invest in government services has pushed the Treasury to concede that revenue must increase, the financial necessity of improving prosperity makes it increasingly difficult to overlook the price of separation from the continental trading bloc.
The government spent a period splashing in the early stages of improved relations with the EU: suggestions to end border inspections on farm products; a student movement initiative. Vision went a more substantial on energy, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has to date been finalized.
Lacking clear direction and momentum from the prime minister's office, negotiations are stuck. Brussels authorities says single-market privileges are obtained with contributions to the European funds. UK ministers know that's the arrangement. That doesn't cause them eager for a public row and campaigners screaming treason over whatever price ends up being paid.
Economic reality has triggered some shift in the government's rhetoric on the European question. She has begun citing Brexit alongside the health emergency as a reason of financial harm that the exchequer is striving to repair. Cabinet members have followed suit, although they carefully assign the blame to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "leaving".
The issue of Britain's future relationship with the EU can't be simplified to technical adjustments and import controls when the whole geopolitical order is in tumultuous flux. Considering everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be raising the big question: were the UK's priorities advanced by departing the European Union?
These are harsh, difficult realities about the UK's predicament in uncertain world affairs. It is not surprising that both leaders shy away from the responsibility. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into forces that they will not oppose. So instead they persist apprehensively moving along the coastline, wishing that maybe soon the tide will turn.