Britain's administration is testing out a fresh approach on Brexit, but this isn't equivalent to a policy reversal. The adjustment is primarily tonal.
Previously, the Labour leadership described Britain's detachment from Europe as a fixed element of the political landscape, difficult to manage perhaps, but inescapable. Now, they are willing to acknowledge it as a genuine affliction.
Speaking at a regional investment conference this week, the chancellor listed Brexit alongside the COVID-19 and spending cuts as factors behind persistent economic lethargy. She reiterated this viewpoint during an International Monetary Fund gathering in Washington, observing that the national efficiency issue has been compounded by the manner in which the UK left the European Union.
This represented a carefully worded statement, assigning damage not to Brexit itself but to its implementation; blaming the officials who handled it, not the voters who endorsed it. This distinction will be crucial when the budget is presented soon. The goal is to attribute certain economic problems to the agreement reached under previous leadership without seeming to disrespect the aspirations of leave voters.
For those who value evidence, the financial debate is mostly resolved. The Office for Budget Responsibility estimates that the UK's sustained output is four percent reduced than it could have been with continued EU membership.
In addition to the expenses from new trade barriers, there has been a ongoing drop in business investment due to governmental uncertainty and regulatory ambiguity. There was also the lost potential of government energy being diverted toward a task for which little planning had been made, since few proponents had seriously considered the practical implications of achieving it.
With evidence being clear, officials struggle to stay impartial. The central bank chief told a recent international forum that he takes no side on EU exit then stated that its impact on growth will be adverse for the coming years.
He forecast a slight positive adjustment over the long term, which offers little comfort to a treasury head who must tackle a major funding gap soon. Taxes are set to rise, and Reeves wants the public to recognize that Brexit is one contributing factor.
The statement is worth making because it is true. This doesn't ensure electoral advantage from saying it. This truth was apparent when the government presented its previous tax-raising budget and during the general election campaign, which the party fought while avoiding the certainty of tax increases.
Now, with the government being neither new nor popular, explaining economic hardship sounds like justifying failure to many voters. There might be more benefit in blaming the Conservatives for all problems if they were the only alternative and a serious challenger. The classic incumbent strategy in a bipartisan contest is to claim cleanup duty the previous administration's mess and caution voters. The rise of Reform UK complicates matters.
Policy differences between the main opponents are minimal, but voters observe interpersonal conflict more than shared beliefs. Supporters of the Reform leader due to lost faith in the system—particularly on immigration control—don't see Reform and the Tories as aligned groups. One party has a record of allowing immigration, while the other does not—a contrast Farage will repeatedly emphasize.
The Reform leader is reluctant to talk about EU exit, in part since it is a legacy jointly owned with Tories and partly because there are few benefits to highlight. If challenged, he may argue that the goal was undermined by flawed implementation, but even that defense admits failure. Simpler to redirect conversation.
This clarifies why Labour feels increasingly assured bringing it up. The prime minister's recent party conference speech marked a significant shift. Earlier, he had addressed UK-EU relations in dry, technical terms, focusing on a partnership renewal that targeted uncontentious obstacles like border inspections while avoiding the sensitive topics at the heart of the post-referendum turmoil.
During his address, Starmer did not fully embrace pro-EU arguments, but he hinted at awareness of past claims. He mentioned "false promises on the side of that bus"—alluding to exit supporters' vows about health service money—in the framework of "snake oil" promoted by leaders whose simplistic answers exacerbate the nation's problems.
Departure from the EU was equated with Covid as difficult experiences faced by the public in the past period. Likening EU exit to an illness indicates a hardening of rhetoric, even if the economic measures being negotiated in Brussels remain unchanged.
The objective is to connect the Reform leader to a well-known example of political mis-selling, suggesting he is unreliable; that he capitalizes on frustration and creates conflict but lacks governing competence.
Recent suspensions of local representatives from the party's administrative wing reinforces that message. Leaked footage of a video conference revealed internal squabbling and recrimination, demonstrating the challenges inexperienced figures face when delivering public services on tight finances—far tougher than distributing leaflets about reducing inefficiency or controlling immigration.
This criticism is productive for the government, but it depends on the government's service delivery being good enough that choosing the challengers seems a dangerous experiment. Additionally, this is a strategy for a future campaign that may not occur until 2029. If Starmer and Reeves wish to be seen as antidotes to Faragism, they must demonstrate meanwhile with a clear, constructive program of their own.
Restrictions exist to what can be achieved with a change in tone, and time is short. It would be simpler to argue now that Brexit is an affliction and Farage a fraud if they had said so earlier. How many more options might they have? Do they merit praise for acknowledging it today when alternate justifications are exhausted? Yes. But the problem of arriving at the evident truth via the longest path is that people question the delay. Beginning with honesty is quicker.